DAVID MARCUS: In Middle America, socialist politics ages like milk

A Democratic voter in Denver named Erick said he had never heard of socialist congressional candidate Melat Kiros until about a week before she pulled off a surprising primary victory over a more moderate rival, a pattern that has become familiar in races backed by the Democratic Socialists of America.

"I lean a bit to the Republican side maybe, but these socialists are crazy," Erick, who is in his 40s, told a reporter. A self-described Democrat who lived in England for 15 years, Erick said he considers himself socially liberal and patriotic. He also expressed concerns about artificial intelligence and data centers while acknowledging their usefulness. Asked when he first learned of Kiros, he said: "A week, maybe? It was fast, and I'm even involved in the very local politics on the homeowner level. She just came out of nowhere."

Kiros is among a growing list of DSA-aligned candidates who have emerged from relative obscurity to defeat more established Democrats. In New York, Darializa Chevalier recently ousted longtime Rep. Adriano Espaillat, and Claire Valdez is positioned to become a future member of Congress. The same playbook helped New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani win his 2025 primary and propelled Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to victory over Rep. Joe Crowley in 2018.

That approach, according to political observers, typically unfolds in three stages. First, a continuous year-round organizing operation works to register and mobilize supporters. Second, candidates are introduced to activist networks through non-traditional media channels. Third, a broader public introduction happens late in the cycle, leaving little time for opponents or voters to scrutinize the candidate's record. By the time Erick had any awareness of Kiros, she had effectively already won.

The strategy has produced a string of upsets in House races, but Senate contests have proven more difficult. Statewide campaigns require candidates to remain in the public eye for much longer, exposing them to greater scrutiny. Michigan Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed is now grappling with that challenge. Past statements, including criticism of former President Barack Obama and Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, have resurfaced, and a recent interview with CNN's Jake Tapper in which El-Sayed declined to celebrate the death of Iran's supreme leader went poorly for the candidate. El-Sayed has since been critical of CNN at his rallies, even as he appears alongside Sen. Bernie Sanders and Ocasio-Cortez and insists he is not a socialist.

Rep. Haley Stevens, El-Sayed's opponent, has responded with a heavy advertising push. When a reporter arrived in Detroit last week, television ads were sparse, but by the end of the visit, Stevens commercials were airing across news, sports and even the Hallmark channel. Her message centers on El-Sayed's past comments and frames him as outside the Democratic mainstream.

Terry, a Detroit native in her 30s, captured the challenge facing El-Sayed. "They keep saying these crazy things he said in the past, and they keep coming," she said. Neither Obama nor Whitmer has endorsed in the primary.

The contrast between the two states highlights a broader question for the Democratic Party. In Michigan, voters have had time to examine El-Sayed's record and still have weeks before deciding. In Colorado, Erick was given days. Whether the DSA's surprise-driven model can translate from congressional districts to statewide and national races — where longer campaign windows invite more vetting — is the question facing both party leaders and candidates heading into the final stretch.