Dems derided Trump’s midterm gamble — until he ended up winning big

Redistricting Reshapes the Road to the Midterms, One Year After Texas Led the Way
A year after Texas kicked off a nationwide scramble over congressional maps, Republicans are heading into the midterm elections with a significantly reshaped political battlefield, having gained at least ten additional right-leaning U.S. House seats through a series of mid-decade redistricting efforts. Democrats, who mounted their own counteroffensive, have watched several of those plans stall or fail outright in court.
The chain of events began last summer when Texas, responding to a push from President Donald Trump, passed a new congressional map designed to create more Republican-leaning districts. The move was part of an effort to head off the kind of midterm losses that cost the GOP the House during Trump's first term in 2018. Texas was soon followed by other Republican-controlled states, including Florida, Missouri, Ohio, and North Carolina, where the GOP holds majorities in the state legislature.
California answered with its own counter-move. Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom led a successful effort in the Democrat-dominated state to redraw congressional lines in a way that offset, at least partially, the GOP gains elsewhere. That effort effectively erased at least five Republican-leaning seats.
Other blue states considered joining in but stopped short. New York Gov. Kathy Hochul weighed a redistricting push in her state but ultimately decided against it.
The legal landscape shifted decisively in Republicans' favor this year. The U.S. Supreme Court issued a major ruling that struck key portions of the Voting Rights Act, deciding that race should not be a primary factor in redrawing legislative districts. The decision cleared the way for additional GOP-leaning states, particularly across the South, to move forward with new maps.
In Virginia, the state Supreme Court struck down a ballot measure that would have allowed Democratic leaders to redraw congressional districts, potentially producing as many as four additional left-leaning seats. Around the same time, a Missouri judge approved a new congressional map backed by Trump and passed by Republican state lawmakers, allowing it to be used in November's elections.
Maryland hit its own legal roadblock this week when a state court blocked Democrats from placing a congressional redistricting initiative on the November ballot. The proposed measure would have let voters weigh in on amending the state constitution to allow lawmakers to redraw maps ahead of the 2028 elections.
Not every state lined up neatly with party leadership. In Utah, a state court judge rejected a GOP-drawn congressional map and instead approved an alternate version that created a Democratic-leaning district. In Indiana, Republicans in the state Senate defied Trump in December by rejecting a redistricting bill that had cleared the state House.
The national fight drew strong reactions from political figures on both sides.
Newsom framed California's redistricting push as a defensive measure. "California will not sit idle as Trump and his Republican lapdogs shred our country's democracy before our very eyes," he said.
Hochul, explaining her decision not to pursue redistricting in New York, accused Trump and Republicans of trying to "erode our democracy and drag us toward authoritarianism."
Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin called the Supreme Court's decision a win for a "rigged map" meant to shield Republicans from midterm accountability, though he predicted the strategy would backfire.
John Bisognano, executive director of the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, urged Democratic leaders in every state to act. "Elected leaders in every state should respond aggressively to this unAmerican attempt to rig control of congress for a generation," he said.
On the Republican side, veteran strategist Colin Reed argued that the Democrats' criticism rang hollow given their own redistricting efforts. "The left's overcharged political rhetoric is undermined by Governor Gavin Newsom's willingness to spearhead a power grab in his state that eliminated at least 5 GOP congressional seats," Reed said. He added that "Democratic leaders had the same goal as Republicans with mid-decade redistricting; they just weren't as successful, but their intent makes any complaints about democracy ring hollow."
Among the more vocal early critics was former MSNBC anchor Joy Reid, who labeled the fight "Voting Rights 911" and later titled a segment of her show "Texas's War on Democracy Through Gerrymandering." John Oliver, host of HBO's "Last Week Tonight," also weighed in, describing gerrymandering as manipulating maps "to get the outcome you want" and "putting a heavy thumb on the scale of who gets elected." Neither Reid nor Oliver responded to requests for comment on whether they still stand by those remarks.
While the legal wins have solidified a GOP advantage for this year's elections, the fight is not over. Democrats in New York are continuing to take steps toward redistricting in time for the 2028 cycle, and battleground Georgia, where Republicans control both the governor's office and the legislature, is also weighing whether to act.
Bisognano argued the broader effort is far from finished. "The gerrymandering crisis Trump started last year is not over," he said. "We expect him to continue demanding new congressional maps that manipulate voting districts to protect Republicans despite what American voters want."
For now, the congressional map voters will see in November reflects a year of extraordinary political maneuvering, court rulings, and state-by-state battles, with the balance of power in the U.S. House likely to hinge on which side made the most of the shifting ground.


